Since its emergence, the alt-right has been examined in different ways. Instead of following conventional theoretical approaches that analyse it as a social movement or set of ideological beliefs, this article takes a different turn. By reinterpreting the concept of the multitude elaborated by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, this article illuminates the racist, xenophobic, and sexist fantasies that have given shape to the alt-right and enabled it to acquire a life of its own. This life is devoted to the consolidation of white, Western, and masculine supremacy.
The term alt-right made its debut in the United States in 2008 when the conservative academic Paul Gottfried announced that he was part of “an attempt to put together an independent intellectual right”. (1) One of his mentees, Richard Spencer, took his words very seriously and founded the website AlternativeRight.com in 2010. From that moment on, multiple individuals and groups felt comfortable enough to share alt-right’s ideas across different digital platforms. The alt-right may have started with Richard Spencer. Nevertheless, it quickly became a phenomenon much bigger than him. It quickly became an uncontrolled and diffuse mass. A multitude.
In their seminal book Multitude: war and democracy in the age of empire, autonomist Marxists Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri theorized the multitude as a “living flesh” that would be the “only social subject capable of realizing democracy”. (2) According to them, an economy that is constantly encouraging individuals to share information and knowledge would eventually lead to the demise of capitalism, insofar as multiple individuals would eventually produce common knowledge that would confront the “imperial power of global capital”. (2) The monster, based on what is shared in common between people, would display “the potential to create a new, alternative society”. (2) Hardt and Negri coloured the multitude with optimistic tones. This article asks two provocative questions. Firstly, what if instead of paving the way for a more just and equal society, contemporary capitalism has facilitated the emergence of a multitude that stands in opposition to equal rights? And secondly, what if the alternative society envisaged by this multitude is shamelessly racist, xenophobic and sexist?
In this article, I reinterpret the concept of the multitude, expanding the class-based framework used by autonomist Marxists, to illuminate the commonalities that gave shape to the alt-right and allowed it to acquire a life of its own. The alt-right is a self-reproductive phenomenon precisely because it behaves as a multitude that is based on several racist, xenophobic, and sexist fantasies deeply entrenched in the collective unconscious.
It all starts with shared anxieties
In Lacanian psychoanalysis, anxiety is considered the “exceptional affect” because it always indicates some fullness that is desired by the subject. (3) Anxiety is directly connected to the desire of reaching a “surplus jouissance” (surplus of enjoyment). (4) One feels anxious precisely due to the fantasy that some fullness is yet to be achieved. In this sense, anxiety is directly linked to the notion of fantasy insofar as it is the fantasy that “stimulates, that causes desire, exactly because it promises to cover over the lack”. (5)
Žižek elaborated on it from a political perspective, arguing that ideological fantasies are constantly shaping our desires and “regulating social reality”, especially when “materialized” under the form of belief. (6) It is the “belief… that white identity is under attack from pro-multicultural and liberal elites and so-called social justice warriors (SJW) who allegedly use ‘political correctness’ to undermine Western civilization and the rights of white males” that lies at the core of the alt-right. (7) Such belief seems to be the “materialization” of a set of racist, xenophobic, and sexist fantasies that have been reinforced in the Western collective unconscious for generations. Firstly, it reinforces the association between whiteness and being western, as if Western civilization was the product of the hard work of white men, directly positioning white and Western individuals (especially men) in a superior position to non-whites and non-Westerners. This promotes the idea that in order to be a “true” Westerner, one needs to be white. Following this standpoint, Western civilization is constituted as a feature of white identity. (8) Secondly, it echoes an idealized white and Western identity that is based on the “myths of progress, liberalism, education, enlightenment, and refinement”. (9) Such an idealised identity is supported by several fantasies that have projected white and Western individuals (especially men) as individuals who are “naturally” entitled to rule, to govern. They are supposedly entitled to occupy all management positions; have “full” access to mechanisms of control to keep non-white and non-Western individuals under surveillance; enjoy all social benefits offered by North American and European countries; have “full” control of the apparatus of truth (occupying management positions in academia and mainstream media); have “full” access to and control the bodies of white women. In this sense, while sharing the belief that an idealized white and Western identity is under attack, many individuals (especially men) are ultimately sharing anxieties derived from the perception that they are entitled to some fullness that has been “illegally” enjoyed by non-whites, non-Westerners, and women.
Without engaging with Lacanian psychoanalysis, Michael Kimmel reached a similar conclusion while conducting research with white American men. The author observed that many of them were united in an “aggrieved entitlement”, that is, they feel they have been displaced from the positions they were “entitled” to occupy: jobs, the place of the authority in the family, and so on. (10) Whereas Kimmel focused on the “aggrieved entitlement” felt in terms of gender, it can be argued that, in the alt-right, many white and Western individuals (especially men) share a generalized “aggrieved entitlement” that reflects the perception that power has been supposedly “stolen” from these individuals in gender, racial, ethnical, and truth domains. It is as if they have been under attack from multiple fronts. Jobs that, in the past, used to be predominantly occupied by white and Western men have been “taken” by non-white, non-Western individuals and women. Universities that used to be predominantly white and masculine have made increasing efforts to become more diverse and inclusive. It is as if all of a sudden, white and Western individuals (especially men) have had the key feature of their identity “stolen”: power.
To make matters even worse, they have allegedly been prevented from finding refuge in governments and in their own family because both spaces seem to have been “dominated” by affirmative action and multiculturalism. It is precisely here that the alt-right multitude starts taking shape. While reflecting on the multitude theorized by Hardt and Negri, Paolo Virno argued that the contemporary multitude would emerge out of a shared feeling of “not-feeling-at-home.” (11) The author anticipated that latest advances in capitalism would result in a generalized feeling that no one is safe in this world. Places that used to make one feel safe – such as their home and home country – would become an extra source of anxiety due to their changed nature. If nowhere are white and Western individuals (especially men) safe, if nowhere can they “fully” speak their minds and express their identity, then they must seek an alternative refuge. According to Virno, in face of the “dangers of this world”, many individuals would start using their mental faculties to “get a sense of orientation and protect themselves”. (11) The common knowledge produced by the multitude would be mainly strategies of reassurance which would have the potential to bring about a new society. The problem, in the case of the alt-right, is that these strategies of reassurance are mainly racist, xenophobic, and sexist fantasies accessed through conspiracy theories.
Alt-right conspiracy theories: an invitation to access various racist, xenophobic and sexist fantasies
In the alt-right, at least four conspiracy theories have served as toolkits that give individuals access to racist, xenophobic and sexist fantasies while conveying the common belief that an idealized white and Western identity is under attack: cultural Marxism, deep state, the great replacement theory, and white genocide. Far from providing an exhaustive list of fantasies – which would be impossible insofar as fantasies operate on the unconscious – the following paragraphs provide an overview of some of the fantasies that can be observed while examining the language used in the conspiracy theories.
Cultural Marxism conspiracy theory gives access to several fantasies that are often painted with anti-Semitic colours. The main idea conveyed by this conspiracy theory is that a secret group of powerful people (a global liberal elite formed by Marxists and/or Jews) has taken control of universities, mainstream media, and the cinema industry, aiming at promoting equality and progressive ideas. While in many circles a group of Marxist intellectuals who fled Nazi Germany are blamed for having inculcated progressive ideas in the collective imaginary (especially in the United States), some people have adapted the conspiracy theory to project resentment towards Jews, claiming that the Marxist intellectuals who have supposedly infiltrated universities and mainstream media are basically Jews who are “putting in motion their plan” to exterminate white populations while encouraging interracial marriage and affirmative action. The main fantasies that seem to operate as a refuge in this case echo the idea that white and Western individuals (especially men) are naturally entitled to exercise “full” control over the apparatus of truth and entertainment as well as enjoying “full” freedom of speech due to their alleged moral values as if Marxists and Jews were “naturally” deceiving individuals.
Entitlement to “full” freedom is a fantasy also echoed by the “deep state” conspiracy theory. However, instead of emphasizing freedom of thinking and freedom of speech, the “deep state” animates the fantasy that white and Western people (especially men) are the ones who are “naturally” entitled to protect democracy while having access to “full” political freedom. It is as if democracy itself was the product of the hard work of white men. (12) Moreover, white and Western individuals (especially men) are supposedly entitled to keep others under control, exercising “full” control over mechanisms of surveillance. While claiming that the elected government is a façade insofar as the country has been “run” by a network of individuals who infiltrated all federal spheres (especially the intelligence agencies) in order to advance their “globalist one-world ambitions”, the deep state conspiracy theory conveys the idea that white and Western individuals (especially men) have been prevented from exercising their “full” political freedom. (13) In addition to having their votes “discarded”, they have been “kept under permanent surveillance”. Not even in their homes have they been able to express their political views because the “deep state” has supposedly worked together with tech companies.
Whereas both cultural Marxism and the “deep state” reinforce the fantasy that white and Western people (especially men) are “naturally” entitled to enjoy some fullness in terms of freedom and power, the great replacement theory and the white genocide offer access to fantasies that project these individuals as “naturally” entitled to enjoy “full” power over the body of white and Western women and “full” access to social benefits and territories. While claiming that the “native” (white) population of western countries has been replaced with non-white and non-Western individuals, the great replacement theory reinforces the false equation established between whiteness and being western. Black individuals and immigrants are blamed for having supposedly “fully enjoyed” benefits and territories that are not “rightfully” theirs. From a gender perspective, non-white and non-Western men are blamed for having “unrightfully” had “full” access to the body of white and Western women, which is constituted as a sacred political site insofar as it is their bodies that will allegedly give birth to the next generation of leaders. Similarly, non-white and non-Western women (especially Latin women) are often blamed for seducing white men, supposedly aiming at having access to citizenship rights.
The supposed entitlement to exercise “full” power over white and Western women is at the centre of the white genocide. This conspiracy theory that claims that the white race is on the brink of extinction animates sexist fantasies that depict white and Western women as individuals whose main mission is to “bear and raise white babies”. (10) Alongside animating sexist fantasies that impose on white and Western women the need to conform to established performances of heterosexuality and femininity, white genocide also evokes misogynist fantasies that depict feminists as one of the enemies of white identity insofar as, while promoting abortion rights and gender equality, they attack two elements that have been historically associated with whiteness: moral values and authority. Power is once again at the centre of the dispute because it is as if, all of a sudden, feminists have become so numerous, so powerful that they have become capable of influencing policymaking, effectively shaping public opinion against the interests of a privileged white segment of the population.
All in all, conspiracy theories often found in alt-right circles may convey different messages. Nevertheless, they seem to offer access to common fantasies that place white and Western individuals (especially men) in a superior position in society. While offering explanations for the “dangers” faced by these individuals, they not only satisfy the desire for explanation and orientation. (14) They operate as a refuge precisely because they reinforce their alleged superior position in society.
Affective capitalism and the alt-right multitude
With the advent of digital technologies, several terms have been used to describe contemporary capitalism: digital capitalism, cognitive capitalism, communicative capitalism, and affective capitalism. Affective capitalism seems to be the one that best captures the way capitalism has taken control of many aspects of our life insofar as it emphasizes that “our capacities to affect and become affected are transformed into assets, goods, services and managerial goods”. (15) Affects are especially intriguing because while they influence our way of thinking, activating memories and social representations, they also prompt bodily reactions. Neuroscience has already demonstrated that affects play a crucial role in the way we “select, store, and retrieve information”, directing our attention towards a particular message or object and inducing us to react in a specific way. (16) While watching a horror movie, for example, we may feel a discomfort or even close our eyes while seeing the image of a knife because our brain has already associated this image with violent acts that result in death.
Before paying attention to a video on YouTube or hitting the button “like”, we were affected by the content suggested by the digital platform. As a result, the higher the affective investment imbued in a certain post or video, the higher the chances of having it circulated and amplified. It is precisely because algorithms transform our affects (our bodily responses to content found online) into numbers that they have entrapped us in a sort of “self-reinforcing feedback loop” that rewards content with strong affective investments with even more visibility by recommending it to internet users. (17)
Conspiracy theories are well-known for their affective charge. As observed by Thorsten Wojczewski, conspiracy theories are especially compelling because they project fantasies that “promise to fulfil our desires for identity, knowledge, control, autonomy, agency.” (18) As far as alt-right conspiracy theories are concerned, their affective charge seems to be boosted because they conform to the paranoid style theorized by Richard Hofstadter. (19) The information offered by them concerning the attacks allegedly faced by white and Western identity establishes an antagonism between an “absolute evil” and an “absolute good” in which white and Western individuals (especially men) are induced to take action. The appeal exercised by alt-right conspiracy theories is twofold. In addition to helping individuals cope with their anxieties while offering access to several racist, xenophobic, and sexist fantasies, alt-right conspiracy theories also prompt them to work in collaboration as a means to save the white race and/or Western civilisation. If digital platforms tend to amplify affects, then it is possible to hypothesize that they may have facilitated the circulation of alt-right conspiracy theories. After all, they are imbued with strong affective investments. The affective dimension of contemporary capitalism facilitated the emergence of the alt-right multitude. No wonder it is considered a “creature of the internet”, an essentially digital political phenomenon. (1)
While sharing anxieties associated with the feeling of “not-feeling-at-home”, many white and Western individuals (especially men) “had no other option” but to use their mental faculties as a means to find a refuge. The main problem is that, in the case of the alt-right, their refuge was found in conspiracy theories that offer access to racist, xenophobic, and sexist fantasies. Overall, fantasies that have long supported white, Western, and masculine supremacy have set the basis for the appearance of the alt-right, and they have also been produced by the alt-right multitude. While forming the core of the anxieties shared by many white and Western individuals (especially men), they have been repeatedly reinforced by these individuals while engaging in the collaborative production of conspiracy theories. Instead of encouraging individuals to engage in collaborative authorship to reach full democracy, affective capitalism has ended up encouraging the collaborative production of conspiracy theories that offer access to racist, xenophobic and sexist fantasies precisely because they have been so deeply entrenched in the Western collective unconscious.
The monster is awake and eager to consolidate white, Western and masculine supremacy
Acknowledging the affects transmitted by alt-right conspiracy theories matters because they may hold the key to understanding how this phenomenon has managed to reach individuals from so many countries without either a leadership figure or a unified political doctrine, motivating terrorist attacks, further eroding trust in official institutions, and influencing policymaking.
By examining the affective dynamics expressed through the belief that white and Western identity is under attack, one can see with the naked eye how strategies of reassurance sought by many white and Western individuals (especially men) are based on fantasies that have been circulating in western society since colonial times. The way shameless racism, xenophobia, and sexism have been resurrected centuries after the abolition of slavery and decades after the fall of apartheid regimes indicates how white, Western, and masculine supremacy has managed to perpetuate itself, relying on capitalism to keep racist, xenophobic and sexist fantasies alive. Unless we hold affective capitalism accountable for enhancing racial, ethnic and gender inequalities, we will not be able to put the monster to sleep. The alt-right is alive, and its multiple thinkers are using their mental faculties to consolidate white, Western, and masculine supremacy. Only by reclaiming their “rightful” position on the top of social hierarchies, white and Western individuals (especially men) may be able to prevent the allegedly dreadful fate of the white race and western civilisation. The common knowledge produced by the alt-right multitude is not solely a matter of individual refuge. It is above all a matter of survival.
Beatriz Lopes Buarque
References:
- Wendling, M., “Alt-right: from 4chan to the White House”, 2018.
- Hardt, M. and Negri, A., “Multitude: war and democracy in the age of empire”, 2004.
- . Lacan, J. “Anxiety”, 2022[2004]; Soler, C., “Lacanian affects: the function of affect in Lacan’s work”, 2016.
- Lacan, J., “Seminar XVII: The Other Side of Psychoanalysis”, 2007.
- Stavrakakis,Y., “Lacan and the Political”, 1999.
- Žižek, S., “The sublime object of ideology”, 1989.
- Hermansson, P. et al, “The international alt-right: Fascism for the 21st century?” 2020.
- Jardina, A., “White Identity Politics”, 2019.
- Fanon, F., “Black skin, white masks”, 1952.
- Kimmel, M., “Angry white men: American masculinity at the end of an era”, 2013.
- Virno, P. “A grammar of the multitude”, 2004.
- Jackson, J.P., and Weidman, N.M. “The Origins of Scientific Racism”, 2005/2006.
- Horwitz, R.B., “Trump and the “deep state”, 2021.
- Douglas, K. M., Uscinski, J. E., Sutton, R. M., Cichocka, A., Nefes, T., Ang, C. S., and Deravi, F., “Understanding conspiracy theories”, 2019; May, A., “Conspiracy theories”, 2016.
- Karppi, T., et al.“Affective Capitalism: Investments and Investigation”, 2016.
- Forgas, J. P., “Feeling and Thinking: the role of affect in social cognition”, 2001.
- Serrano-Puche, J., and Rojas, L. S., “Mediatised Emotions: A Framework for Understanding the Display of Affect in the Network Society”, 2019.
- Wojczewski, T. “Conspiracy theories, right wing populism and foreign policy: the case of the Alternative for Germany”, 2021.
- Hofstadter, R. “The paranoid style in American politics and other essays”, 1964.
Leave a Reply